1、The sound of “ch” in “teacher” is (). 单选题 2分

2、The main difference between /m/, /n/, and / ŋ / lies in (). 单选题 2分

3、She is (), from her recording, the diaries of Simon Forman. 单选题 2分

4、 Neither the unpleasant experiences nor the bad luck () him discouraged. 单选题 2分

5、Mr. Joe has worked very hard in the past two years and has paid all his debts () the last penny. 单选题 2分

6、The message came to the villagers () the enemy had already fled the village. 单选题 2分

7、 We must improve the farming method () we may get high yields. 单选题 2分

8、 —Do you mind if I smoke here? —( ).D. even if 单选题 2分

9、What is the main rhetoric device used in “The plowman homeward plods his weary way.”? () 单选题 2分

10、—A: Let’s go to the movie tonight. —B: I’d like to, But I have to study for an exam. In the conversation above, B’s decline of the proposal is categorized as a kind of (). 单选题 2分

11、Which of the following activities is NOT typical of the Task-Based Language Teaching method? 单选题 2分

12、If a teacher shows students how to do an activity before they start doing it, he/she is using the technique of ( ). 单选题 2分

13、When a teacher asks students to discuss how a text is organized, he/she is most likely to help them (). 单选题 2分

14、Which of the following practices can encourage students to read an article critically? ( ) 单选题 2分

15、Which of the following is a display question used by teachers in class? () A. If you were the girl in the story, would you behave like her? 单选题 2分

16、Which of the following would a teacher encourage students to do in order to develop their cognitive strategies? ( ) 单选题 2分

17、Which of the following exercises would a teacher most probably use if he/she wants to help students develop discourse competence? ( ) 单选题 2分

18、The advantages of pair and group work include all of the following EXCEPT (). 单选题 2分

19、Which of the following should a teacher avoid when his/her focus is on developing students’ ability to use words appropriately? ( ) 单选题 2分

20、Which of the following practices is most likely to encourage students’ cooperation in learning? () 单选题 2分

21、Passage 1 Today’s adults grew up in schools designed to sort us into the various segments of our social and economic system. The amount of time available to learn was fixed: one year per grade. The amount learned by the end of that time was free to vary: some of us learned a great deal; some, very little. As we advanced through the grades, those who had learned a great deal in previous grades continued to build on those foundations. Those who had failed to master the early prerequisites with-in the allotted time failed to learn that which followed. After 12 or 13 years of cumulative treatment of this kind, we were, in effect, spread along an achievement continuum that was ultimately reflected in each student’s rank in class upon graduation. From the very earliest grades, some students learned a great deal very quickly and consistently scored high on assessments. The emotional effect of this was to help them to see themselves as capable learners, and so these students became increasingly confident in school. That confidence gave them the inner emotional strength to take the risk of striving for more success because they believed that success was within their reach. Driven forward by this optimism, these students continued to try hard, and that effort continued to result in success for them. They became the academic and emotional winners. Notice that the trigger for their emotional strength and their learning success was their perception of their success on formal and informal assessments. But there were other students who didn’t fare so well. They scored very low on tests, beginning in the earliest grades. The emotional effect was to cause them to question their own capabilities as learners. They began to lose confidence, which, in turn, deprived them of the emotional reserves needed to continue to take risks. As their motivation warned, of course, their performance plummeted. These students embarked on what they believed to be an irreversible slide toward inevitable failure and lost hope. Once again, the emotional trigger for their decision not to try was their perception of their performance on assessments. Consider the reality-indeed, the paradox-of the schools in which we were reared. If some students worked hard and learned a lot, that was a positive result, and they would finish high in the rank order. But if some students gave up in hopeless failure, that was an acceptable result, too, because they would occupy places very low in the rank order. Their achievement results fed into the implicit mission of schools: the greater the spread of achievement among students, the more it reinforced the rank order. This is why, if some students gave up and stopped trying (even dropped out of school). that was regarded as the student’s problem, not the teacher’s or the school’s. Once again, please notice who is using test results to decide whether to strive for excellence or give up in hopelessness. The “data-based decision makers” in this process are students themselves. Students are deciding whether success is within or beyond reach, whether the learning is worth the required effort, and so whether to try or not. The critical emotions underpinning the decision making process include anxiety, fear of failure, uncertainty, and unwillingness to take risks-all triggered by students’ perceptions of their own capabilities as reflected in assessment results. Some students responded to the demands of such environments by working hard and learning a great deal. Others controlled their anxiety by giving up and not caring. The result for them is exactly the opposite of the one society wants. Instead of leaving no child behind, these practices, in effect, drove down the achievement of at least as many students as they successfully elevated. And the evidence suggests that the downside victims are more frequently members of particular socioeconomic and ethnic minorities. 问题:What has made students spread along an achievement continuum according to the passage? () 单选题 2分

22、Passage 1 Today’s adults grew up in schools designed to sort us into the various segments of our social and economic system. The amount of time available to learn was fixed: one year per grade. The amount learned by the end of that time was free to vary: some of us learned a great deal; some, very little. As we advanced through the grades, those who had learned a great deal in previous grades continued to build on those foundations. Those who had failed to master the early prerequisites with-in the allotted time failed to learn that which followed. After 12 or 13 years of cumulative treatment of this kind, we were, in effect, spread along an achievement continuum that was ultimately reflected in each student’s rank in class upon graduation. From the very earliest grades, some students learned a great deal very quickly and consistently scored high on assessments. The emotional effect of this was to help them to see themselves as capable learners, and so these students became increasingly confident in school. That confidence gave them the inner emotional strength to take the risk of striving for more success because they believed that success was within their reach. Driven forward by this optimism, these students continued to try hard, and that effort continued to result in success for them. They became the academic and emotional winners. Notice that the trigger for their emotional strength and their learning success was their perception of their success on formal and informal assessments. But there were other students who didn’t fare so well. They scored very low on tests, beginning in the earliest grades. The emotional effect was to cause them to question their own capabilities as learners. They began to lose confidence, which, in turn, deprived them of the emotional reserves needed to continue to take risks. As their motivation warned, of course, their performance plummeted. These students embarked on what they believed to be an irreversible slide toward inevitable failure and lost hope. Once again, the emotional trigger for their decision not to try was their perception of their performance on assessments. Consider the reality-indeed, the paradox-of the schools in which we were reared. If some students worked hard and learned a lot, that was a positive result, and they would finish high in the rank order. But if some students gave up in hopeless failure, that was an acceptable result, too, because they would occupy places very low in the rank order. Their achievement results fed into the implicit mission of schools: the greater the spread of achievement among students, the more it reinforced the rank order. This is why, if some students gave up and stopped trying (even dropped out of school). that was regarded as the student’s problem, not the teacher’s or the school’s. Once again, please notice who is using test results to decide whether to strive for excellence or give up in hopelessness. The “data-based decision makers” in this process are students themselves. Students are deciding whether success is within or beyond reach, whether the learning is worth the required effort, and so whether to try or not. The critical emotions underpinning the decision making process include anxiety, fear of failure, uncertainty, and unwillingness to take risks-all triggered by students’ perceptions of their own capabilities as reflected in assessment results. Some students responded to the demands of such environments by working hard and learning a great deal. Others controlled their anxiety by giving up and not caring. The result for them is exactly the opposite of the one society wants. Instead of leaving no child behind, these practices, in effect, drove down the achievement of at least as many students as they successfully elevated. And the evidence suggests that the downside victims are more frequently members of particular socioeconomic and ethnic minorities. 问题:What is the authors attitude towards the old mission of assessment? ( ) 单选题 2分

23、 Passage 1 Today’s adults grew up in schools designed to sort us into the various segments of our social and economic system. The amount of time available to learn was fixed: one year per grade. The amount learned by the end of that time was free to vary: some of us learned a great deal; some, very little. As we advanced through the grades, those who had learned a great deal in previous grades continued to build on those foundations. Those who had failed to master the early prerequisites with-in the allotted time failed to learn that which followed. After 12 or 13 years of cumulative treatment of this kind, we were, in effect, spread along an achievement continuum that was ultimately reflected in each student’s rank in class upon graduation. From the very earliest grades, some students learned a great deal very quickly and consistently scored high on assessments. The emotional effect of this was to help them to see themselves as capable learners, and so these students became increasingly confident in school. That confidence gave them the inner emotional strength to take the risk of striving for more success because they believed that success was within their reach. Driven forward by this optimism, these students continued to try hard, and that effort continued to result in success for them. They became the academic and emotional winners. Notice that the trigger for their emotional strength and their learning success was their perception of their success on formal and informal assessments. But there were other students who didn’t fare so well. They scored very low on tests, beginning in the earliest grades. The emotional effect was to cause them to question their own capabilities as learners. They began to lose confidence, which, in turn, deprived them of the emotional reserves needed to continue to take risks. As their motivation warned, of course, their performance plummeted. These students embarked on what they believed to be an irreversible slide toward inevitable failure and lost hope. Once again, the emotional trigger for their decision not to try was their perception of their performance on assessments. Consider the reality-indeed, the paradox-of the schools in which we were reared. If some students worked hard and learned a lot, that was a positive result, and they would finish high in the rank order. But if some students gave up in hopeless failure, that was an acceptable result, too, because they would occupy places very low in the rank order. Their achievement results fed into the implicit mission of schools: the greater the spread of achievement among students, the more it reinforced the rank order. This is why, if some students gave up and stopped trying (even dropped out of school). that was regarded as the student’s problem, not the teacher’s or the school’s. Once again, please notice who is using test results to decide whether to strive for excellence or give up in hopelessness. The “data-based decision makers” in this process are students themselves. Students are deciding whether success is within or beyond reach, whether the learning is worth the required effort, and so whether to try or not. The critical emotions underpinning the decision making process include anxiety, fear of failure, uncertainty, and unwillingness to take risks-all triggered by students’ perceptions of their own capabilities as reflected in assessment results. Some students responded to the demands of such environments by working hard and learning a great deal. Others controlled their anxiety by giving up and not caring. The result for them is exactly the opposite of the one society wants. Instead of leaving no child behind, these practices, in effect, drove down the achievement of at least as many students as they successfully elevated. And the evidence suggests that the downside victims are more frequently members of particular socioeconomic and ethnic minorities. 问题: Which of the following is closest in meaning to the underlined word “plummeted” in Paragraph 3?() 单选题 2分

24、Passage 1 Today’s adults grew up in schools designed to sort us into the various segments of our social and economic system. The amount of time available to learn was fixed: one year per grade. The amount learned by the end of that time was free to vary: some of us learned a great deal; some, very little. As we advanced through the grades, those who had learned a great deal in previous grades continued to build on those foundations. Those who had failed to master the early prerequisites with-in the allotted time failed to learn that which followed. After 12 or 13 years of cumulative treatment of this kind, we were, in effect, spread along an achievement continuum that was ultimately reflected in each student’s rank in class upon graduation. From the very earliest grades, some students learned a great deal very quickly and consistently scored high on assessments. The emotional effect of this was to help them to see themselves as capable learners, and so these students became increasingly confident in school. That confidence gave them the inner emotional strength to take the risk of striving for more success because they believed that success was within their reach. Driven forward by this optimism, these students continued to try hard, and that effort continued to result in success for them. They became the academic and emotional winners. Notice that the trigger for their emotional strength and their learning success was their perception of their success on formal and informal assessments. But there were other students who didn’t fare so well. They scored very low on tests, beginning in the earliest grades. The emotional effect was to cause them to question their own capabilities as learners. They began to lose confidence, which, in turn, deprived them of the emotional reserves needed to continue to take risks. As their motivation warned, of course, their performance plummeted. These students embarked on what they believed to be an irreversible slide toward inevitable failure and lost hope. Once again, the emotional trigger for their decision not to try was their perception of their performance on assessments. Consider the reality-indeed, the paradox-of the schools in which we were reared. If some students worked hard and learned a lot, that was a positive result, and they would finish high in the rank order. But if some students gave up in hopeless failure, that was an acceptable result, too, because they would occupy places very low in the rank order. Their achievement results fed into the implicit mission of schools: the greater the spread of achievement among students, the more it reinforced the rank order. This is why, if some students gave up and stopped trying (even dropped out of school). that was regarded as the student’s problem, not the teacher’s or the school’s. Once again, please notice who is using test results to decide whether to strive for excellence or give up in hopelessness. The “data-based decision makers” in this process are students themselves. Students are deciding whether success is within or beyond reach, whether the learning is worth the required effort, and so whether to try or not. The critical emotions underpinning the decision making process include anxiety, fear of failure, uncertainty, and unwillingness to take risks-all triggered by students’ perceptions of their own capabilities as reflected in assessment results. Some students responded to the demands of such environments by working hard and learning a great deal. Others controlled their anxiety by giving up and not caring. The result for them is exactly the opposite of the one society wants. Instead of leaving no child behind, these practices, in effect, drove down the achievement of at least as many students as they successfully elevated. And the evidence suggests that the downside victims are more frequently members of particular socioeconomic and ethnic minorities. 问题:Which of the following describes the paradox of the schools? () 单选题 2分

25、 Passage 1 Today’s adults grew up in schools designed to sort us into the various segments of our social and economic system. The amount of time available to learn was fixed: one year per grade. The amount learned by the end of that time was free to vary: some of us learned a great deal; some, very little. As we advanced through the grades, those who had learned a great deal in previous grades continued to build on those foundations. Those who had failed to master the early prerequisites with-in the allotted time failed to learn that which followed. After 12 or 13 years of cumulative treatment of this kind, we were, in effect, spread along an achievement continuum that was ultimately reflected in each student’s rank in class upon graduation. From the very earliest grades, some students learned a great deal very quickly and consistently scored high on assessments. The emotional effect of this was to help them to see themselves as capable learners, and so these students became increasingly confident in school. That confidence gave them the inner emotional strength to take the risk of striving for more success because they believed that success was within their reach. Driven forward by this optimism, these students continued to try hard, and that effort continued to result in success for them. They became the academic and emotional winners. Notice that the trigger for their emotional strength and their learning success was their perception of their success on formal and informal assessments. But there were other students who didn’t fare so well. They scored very low on tests, beginning in the earliest grades. The emotional effect was to cause them to question their own capabilities as learners. They began to lose confidence, which, in turn, deprived them of the emotional reserves needed to continue to take risks. As their motivation warned, of course, their performance plummeted. These students embarked on what they believed to be an irreversible slide toward inevitable failure and lost hope. Once again, the emotional trigger for their decision not to try was their perception of their performance on assessments. Consider the reality-indeed, the paradox-of the schools in which we were reared. If some students worked hard and learned a lot, that was a positive result, and they would finish high in the rank order. But if some students gave up in hopeless failure, that was an acceptable result, too, because they would occupy places very low in the rank order. Their achievement results fed into the implicit mission of schools: the greater the spread of achievement among students, the more it reinforced the rank order. This is why, if some students gave up and stopped trying (even dropped out of school). that was regarded as the student’s problem, not the teacher’s or the school’s. Once again, please notice who is using test results to decide whether to strive for excellence or give up in hopelessness. The “data-based decision makers” in this process are students themselves. Students are deciding whether success is within or beyond reach, whether the learning is worth the required effort, and so whether to try or not. The critical emotions underpinning the decision making process include anxiety, fear of failure, uncertainty, and unwillingness to take risks-all triggered by students’ perceptions of their own capabilities as reflected in assessment results. Some students responded to the demands of such environments by working hard and learning a great deal. Others controlled their anxiety by giving up and not caring. The result for them is exactly the opposite of the one society wants. Instead of leaving no child behind, these practices, in effect, drove down the achievement of at least as many students as they successfully elevated. And the evidence suggests that the downside victims are more frequently members of particular socioeconomic and ethnic minorities. 问题: Which of the following will be triggered by the assessment results according to the passage? () 单选题 2分

26、 Passage 2 Several research teams have found that newborns prefer their mothers’ voices over those of other people. Now a team of scientists has gone an intriguing step further: they have found that newborns cry in their native language. “We have provided evidence that language begins with the very first cry melodies,” says Kathleen Wermke of the University of Würzburg, Germany, who led the research. “The dramatic finding of this study is that not only are newborns capable of producing different cry melodies, but they prefer to produce those melody patterns that are typical for the ambient language they have heard during their fetal life, within the last trimester,” said Wermke. “Contrary to orthodox interpretations, these data support the importance of human infants’ crying for seeding language development.” It had been thought that babies’ cries are constrained by their breathing patterns and respiratory apparatus, in which case a crying baby would sound like a crying baby no matter what the culture is, since babies are anatomically identical. “The prevailing opinion used to be that newborns could not actively influence their production of sound,” says Wermke. This study refutes that claim: since babies cry in different languages, they must have some control (presumably unconscious) over what they sound like rather than being constrained by the acoustical properties of their lungs, throat, mouth, and larynx. If respiration alone dictated what a cry sounded like, all babies would cry with a falling-pitch pattern, since that’s what happens as you run out of breath and air pressure on the throat’s sound-making machinery decreases. French babies apparently didn’t get that memo. “German and French infants produce different types of cries, even though they share the same physiology,” the scientists point out. “The French newborns produce ‘nonphysiological’ rising patterns,” showing that the sound of their cries is under their control. Although phonemes-speech sounds such as “ki” or “sh” don’t cross the abdominal barrier and reach the fetus, so-called prosodic characteristics of speech do. These are the variations in pitch, rhythm, and intensity that characterize each language. Just as newborns remember and prefer actual songs that they heard in utero, it seems, so they remember and prefer both the sound of mom’s voice and the melodic signature of her language. The idea of the study wasn’t to make the sound of a screaming baby more interesting to listeners-good luck with that-but to explore how babies acquire speech. That acquisition, it is now clear, begins months before birth, probably in the third trimester. Newborns “not only have memorized the main intonation patterns of their respective surrounding language but are also able to reproduce these patterns in their own [sound] production,” conclude the scientists. Newborns’ “cries are already tuned toward their native language,” giving them a head start on sounding French or German (or, presumably, English or American or Chinese or anything else: the scientists are collecting cries from more languages). This is likely part of the explanation for how babies develop spoken language quickly and seemingly without effort. Sure, we may come into the world wired for language (thank you, Noam Chomsky), but we also benefit from the environmental exposure that tells us which language. Until this study, scientists thought that babies became capable of vocal imitation no earlier than 12 weeks of age. that’s when infants listening to an adult speaker producing vowels can parrot the sound. But that’s the beginning of true speech. It’s sort of amazing that it took this long for scientists to realize that if they want to see what sounds babies can perceive, remember, and play back, they should look at the sound babies produce best. So let the little angel cry: she’s practicing to acquire language. 问题:What does Kathleen wermke’s research indicate? ( ) 单选题 2分

27、 Passage 2 Several research teams have found that newborns prefer their mothers’ voices over those of other people. Now a team of scientists has gone an intriguing step further: they have found that newborns cry in their native language. “We have provided evidence that language begins with the very first cry melodies,” says Kathleen Wermke of the University of Würzburg, Germany, who led the research. “The dramatic finding of this study is that not only are newborns capable of producing different cry melodies, but they prefer to produce those melody patterns that are typical for the ambient language they have heard during their fetal life, within the last trimester,” said Wermke. “Contrary to orthodox interpretations, these data support the importance of human infants’ crying for seeding language development.” It had been thought that babies’ cries are constrained by their breathing patterns and respiratory apparatus, in which case a crying baby would sound like a crying baby no matter what the culture is, since babies are anatomically identical. “The prevailing opinion used to be that newborns could not actively influence their production of sound,” says Wermke. This study refutes that claim: since babies cry in different languages, they must have some control (presumably unconscious) over what they sound like rather than being constrained by the acoustical properties of their lungs, throat, mouth, and larynx. If respiration alone dictated what a cry sounded like, all babies would cry with a falling-pitch pattern, since that’s what happens as you run out of breath and air pressure on the throat’s sound-making machinery decreases. French babies apparently didn’t get that memo. “German and French infants produce different types of cries, even though they share the same physiology,” the scientists point out. “The French newborns produce ‘nonphysiological’ rising patterns,” showing that the sound of their cries is under their control. Although phonemes-speech sounds such as “ki” or “sh” don’t cross the abdominal barrier and reach the fetus, so-called prosodic characteristics of speech do. These are the variations in pitch, rhythm, and intensity that characterize each language. Just as newborns remember and prefer actual songs that they heard in utero, it seems, so they remember and prefer both the sound of mom’s voice and the melodic signature of her language. The idea of the study wasn’t to make the sound of a screaming baby more interesting to listeners-good luck with that-but to explore how babies acquire speech. That acquisition, it is now clear, begins months before birth, probably in the third trimester. Newborns “not only have memorized the main intonation patterns of their respective surrounding language but are also able to reproduce these patterns in their own [sound] production,” conclude the scientists. Newborns’ “cries are already tuned toward their native language,” giving them a head start on sounding French or German (or, presumably, English or American or Chinese or anything else: the scientists are collecting cries from more languages). This is likely part of the explanation for how babies develop spoken language quickly and seemingly without effort. Sure, we may come into the world wired for language (thank you, Noam Chomsky), but we also benefit from the environmental exposure that tells us which language. Until this study, scientists thought that babies became capable of vocal imitation no earlier than 12 weeks of age. that’s when infants listening to an adult speaker producing vowels can parrot the sound. But that’s the beginning of true speech. It’s sort of amazing that it took this long for scientists to realize that if they want to see what sounds babies can perceive, remember, and play back, they should look at the sound babies produce best. So let the little angel cry: she’s practicing to acquire language. 问题:Which of the following is closest in meaning to the underlined word “ambient” in Paragraph 2? () 单选题 2分

28、Passage 2 Several research teams have found that newborns prefer their mothers’ voices over those of other people. Now a team of scientists has gone an intriguing step further: they have found that newborns cry in their native language. “We have provided evidence that language begins with the very first cry melodies,” says Kathleen Wermke of the University of Würzburg, Germany, who led the research. “The dramatic finding of this study is that not only are newborns capable of producing different cry melodies, but they prefer to produce those melody patterns that are typical for the ambient language they have heard during their fetal life, within the last trimester,” said Wermke. “Contrary to orthodox interpretations, these data support the importance of human infants’ crying for seeding language development.” It had been thought that babies’ cries are constrained by their breathing patterns and respiratory apparatus, in which case a crying baby would sound like a crying baby no matter what the culture is, since babies are anatomically identical. “The prevailing opinion used to be that newborns could not actively influence their production of sound,” says Wermke. This study refutes that claim: since babies cry in different languages, they must have some control (presumably unconscious) over what they sound like rather than being constrained by the acoustical properties of their lungs, throat, mouth, and larynx. If respiration alone dictated what a cry sounded like, all babies would cry with a falling-pitch pattern, since that’s what happens as you run out of breath and air pressure on the throat’s sound-making machinery decreases. French babies apparently didn’t get that memo. “German and French infants produce different types of cries, even though they share the same physiology,” the scientists point out. “The French newborns produce ‘nonphysiological’ rising patterns,” showing that the sound of their cries is under their control. Although phonemes-speech sounds such as “ki” or “sh” don’t cross the abdominal barrier and reach the fetus, so-called prosodic characteristics of speech do. These are the variations in pitch, rhythm, and intensity that characterize each language. Just as newborns remember and prefer actual songs that they heard in utero, it seems, so they remember and prefer both the sound of mom’s voice and the melodic signature of her language. The idea of the study wasn’t to make the sound of a screaming baby more interesting to listeners-good luck with that-but to explore how babies acquire speech. That acquisition, it is now clear, begins months before birth, probably in the third trimester. Newborns “not only have memorized the main intonation patterns of their respective surrounding language but are also able to reproduce these patterns in their own [sound] production,” conclude the scientists. Newborns’ “cries are already tuned toward their native language,” giving them a head start on sounding French or German (or, presumably, English or American or Chinese or anything else: the scientists are collecting cries from more languages). This is likely part of the explanation for how babies develop spoken language quickly and seemingly without effort. Sure, we may come into the world wired for language (thank you, Noam Chomsky), but we also benefit from the environmental exposure that tells us which language. Until this study, scientists thought that babies became capable of vocal imitation no earlier than 12 weeks of age. that’s when infants listening to an adult speaker producing vowels can parrot the sound. But that’s the beginning of true speech. It’s sort of amazing that it took this long for scientists to realize that if they want to see what sounds babies can perceive, remember, and play back, they should look at the sound babies produce best. So let the little angel cry: she’s practicing to acquire language. 问题:Why do German and French babies produce different types of cries according to the research? () 单选题 2分

29、 Passage 2 Several research teams have found that newborns prefer their mothers’ voices over those of other people. Now a team of scientists has gone an intriguing step further: they have found that newborns cry in their native language. “We have provided evidence that language begins with the very first cry melodies,” says Kathleen Wermke of the University of Würzburg, Germany, who led the research. “The dramatic finding of this study is that not only are newborns capable of producing different cry melodies, but they prefer to produce those melody patterns that are typical for the ambient language they have heard during their fetal life, within the last trimester,” said Wermke. “Contrary to orthodox interpretations, these data support the importance of human infants’ crying for seeding language development.” It had been thought that babies’ cries are constrained by their breathing patterns and respiratory apparatus, in which case a crying baby would sound like a crying baby no matter what the culture is, since babies are anatomically identical. “The prevailing opinion used to be that newborns could not actively influence their production of sound,” says Wermke. This study refutes that claim: since babies cry in different languages, they must have some control (presumably unconscious) over what they sound like rather than being constrained by the acoustical properties of their lungs, throat, mouth, and larynx. If respiration alone dictated what a cry sounded like, all babies would cry with a falling-pitch pattern, since that’s what happens as you run out of breath and air pressure on the throat’s sound-making machinery decreases. French babies apparently didn’t get that memo. “German and French infants produce different types of cries, even though they share the same physiology,” the scientists point out. “The French newborns produce ‘nonphysiological’ rising patterns,” showing that the sound of their cries is under their control. Although phonemes-speech sounds such as “ki” or “sh” don’t cross the abdominal barrier and reach the fetus, so-called prosodic characteristics of speech do. These are the variations in pitch, rhythm, and intensity that characterize each language. Just as newborns remember and prefer actual songs that they heard in utero, it seems, so they remember and prefer both the sound of mom’s voice and the melodic signature of her language. The idea of the study wasn’t to make the sound of a screaming baby more interesting to listeners-good luck with that-but to explore how babies acquire speech. That acquisition, it is now clear, begins months before birth, probably in the third trimester. Newborns “not only have memorized the main intonation patterns of their respective surrounding language but are also able to reproduce these patterns in their own [sound] production,” conclude the scientists. Newborns’ “cries are already tuned toward their native language,” giving them a head start on sounding French or German (or, presumably, English or American or Chinese or anything else: the scientists are collecting cries from more languages). This is likely part of the explanation for how babies develop spoken language quickly and seemingly without effort. Sure, we may come into the world wired for language (thank you, Noam Chomsky), but we also benefit from the environmental exposure that tells us which language. Until this study, scientists thought that babies became capable of vocal imitation no earlier than 12 weeks of age. that’s when infants listening to an adult speaker producing vowels can parrot the sound. But that’s the beginning of true speech. It’s sort of amazing that it took this long for scientists to realize that if they want to see what sounds babies can perceive, remember, and play back, they should look at the sound babies produce best. So let the little angel cry: she’s practicing to acquire language. 问题: When does language acquisition begin according to the research? () 单选题 2分

30、Passage 2 Several research teams have found that newborns prefer their mothers’ voices over those of other people. Now a team of scientists has gone an intriguing step further: they have found that newborns cry in their native language. “We have provided evidence that language begins with the very first cry melodies,” says Kathleen Wermke of the University of Würzburg, Germany, who led the research. “The dramatic finding of this study is that not only are newborns capable of producing different cry melodies, but they prefer to produce those melody patterns that are typical for the ambient language they have heard during their fetal life, within the last trimester,” said Wermke. “Contrary to orthodox interpretations, these data support the importance of human infants’ crying for seeding language development.” It had been thought that babies’ cries are constrained by their breathing patterns and respiratory apparatus, in which case a crying baby would sound like a crying baby no matter what the culture is, since babies are anatomically identical. “The prevailing opinion used to be that newborns could not actively influence their production of sound,” says Wermke. This study refutes that claim: since babies cry in different languages, they must have some control (presumably unconscious) over what they sound like rather than being constrained by the acoustical properties of their lungs, throat, mouth, and larynx. If respiration alone dictated what a cry sounded like, all babies would cry with a falling-pitch pattern, since that’s what happens as you run out of breath and air pressure on the throat’s sound-making machinery decreases. French babies apparently didn’t get that memo. “German and French infants produce different types of cries, even though they share the same physiology,” the scientists point out. “The French newborns produce ‘nonphysiological’ rising patterns,” showing that the sound of their cries is under their control. Although phonemes-speech sounds such as “ki” or “sh” don’t cross the abdominal barrier and reach the fetus, so-called prosodic characteristics of speech do. These are the variations in pitch, rhythm, and intensity that characterize each language. Just as newborns remember and prefer actual songs that they heard in utero, it seems, so they remember and prefer both the sound of mom’s voice and the melodic signature of her language. The idea of the study wasn’t to make the sound of a screaming baby more interesting to listeners-good luck with that-but to explore how babies acquire speech. That acquisition, it is now clear, begins months before birth, probably in the third trimester. Newborns “not only have memorized the main intonation patterns of their respective surrounding language but are also able to reproduce these patterns in their own [sound] production,” conclude the scientists. Newborns’ “cries are already tuned toward their native language,” giving them a head start on sounding French or German (or, presumably, English or American or Chinese or anything else: the scientists are collecting cries from more languages). This is likely part of the explanation for how babies develop spoken language quickly and seemingly without effort. Sure, we may come into the world wired for language (thank you, Noam Chomsky), but we also benefit from the environmental exposure that tells us which language. Until this study, scientists thought that babies became capable of vocal imitation no earlier than 12 weeks of age. that’s when infants listening to an adult speaker producing vowels can parrot the sound. But that’s the beginning of true speech. It’s sort of amazing that it took this long for scientists to realize that if they want to see what sounds babies can perceive, remember, and play back, they should look at the sound babies produce best. So let the little angel cry: she’s practicing to acquire language. 问题:What can be inferred from the last paragraph? () 单选题 2分

31、 简述思维导图（mind mapping）的含义（4 分）及其两个用途（6 分），写出教师在课堂教学中运用思维导图的三点注意事项（6 分），并举一例说明思维导图的用法（4 分）。 简答题 30分

32、下面片段选自某高中英语课堂教学实录。 T: Good morning, boys and girls. We talked about some verbs yesterday. Now I’d like to see whether you have learned to use them. Are you ready? Ss: Yes. T: Listen! Yesterday, you were going to play football after school when it began to rain, so you didn’t do it. Can you describe it with the word “prevent” ? Who would like to have a try? S1: We didn’t play football yesterday because a sudden rain prevented us. T: Ok. But would you please begin your sentence with “The sudden rain…”? Who’d like to try? S2: The sudden rain prevented us to play football yesterday. T: Oh, you are so quick, and you are almost right. Do we say “prevent somebody to do something” or “prevent somebody…”. S3: Oh. The sudden rain prevented us from playing football yesterday. T: Perfect. Let’s read S3’s sentence together and remember the verb pattern of “prevent”, OK? 根据该教学片段回答下面四个问题: （1）该教师采取了什么方式引出复习巩固的内容?（5 分） （2）当该教师发现学生没有完全掌握所学内容时，采取了什么补救方法?（5 分） （3）这种种补救方法有哪两个优点?（10 分） （4）该教师复习巩固所教内容还可以采用其他哪两种方法?（10 分） 简答题 30分

33、设计任务:请阅读下面学生信息和语言素材，设计 20 分钟英语阅读的教学方案。 教案没有固定格式，但须包含下列要点: （1）teaching objectives （2）teaching contents （3）key and difficult points （4）major steps and time allocation （5）activities and justifications 教学时间:20 分钟 学生概况:某城镇普通中学高中一年级学生, 班级人数 40 人。多数学生已经达到《普通高中英语课程标准（实验）》五级水平。学生课堂参与积极性一般。语言素材: The Three Gorges Dam “Walls of stone to hold back clouds and rain” Mao Zedong wrote a poem in which he dreamed of “walls of stone to hold back clouds and rain till a smooth lake rises in the narrow gorges”. Now his dream has come true. The power of the Yangtze River, which is the world’s third longest river. Has been harnessed by the Three Gorges Dam. The Three Gorges Dam, which is the biggest construction project in China since the building of the Great Wall and the Grand Canal, has been built to control flooding and provide hydro-electric power for the central region of China. The dam is nearly 200 meters high and 1.5 kilometers wide. It is the largest hydro-electric power station and dam in the world and has cost more than any other construction project in history. Sun yat-sen, who was the leader of the 1911 Revolution, first suggested the idea of a dam across the Yangtze River in 1919, Three quarters of China’s energy is produced by burning coal. In 1993, China used 1.2 billion tons of coal for heating and generating electricity. Unfortunately, burning coal causes serious air pollution and increases global warming. The dam will generate electricity equal to about 40 million tons of coal without causing so much air pollution. The reservoir has flooded 2 cities, 11 counties. 140 towns and more than 4,000 villages. More than a million people who lived in the region have moved from their homes. Now they’re living a happy new life in different areas. The Three Gorges area is one of the most beautiful areas of China and the project has flooded some of china’s most famous historical sites, including the Qu Yuan Temple, the Han Watchtower and the Moya Cliff carvings. About 800 historical relics have been submerged. Some of them are being removed and some are being put into museums. 简答题 30分